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Analyze of Governance

 

 

Movement order towards the United States of Africa soon in action.

 

Afrogouvernance - by Gustave Botela Lipo - June 11th, 2008.

 

In my account of April 09th, 2008, I had spoken broadly about the foundation of AUO up to the African Union. The creation of the United States of Africa is a subject that all African leaders without exception, have to think of it and that this is their prayer of the daily evening before sleeping.

 

The world is in full mutation and, Africa does not avoid it given that our dear continent is also part of this world in evolution.

 

In September, 1999, during the fourth extraordinary summit of the state African leaders and from government of AUO in Syrte (Libya), the colonel Mouammar Al-Kadhafi motivates the idea of the creation of the United States of Africa.

The creation of the African Union

«Guided by our common view of unified and strong Africa ", the leaders of the continent decided to replace the African Unity Organization (AUO) in a new Union. The July summit which was held in Lusaka (Zambia) had to be the last of AUO. In the constituting Act of the African Union, the African political leaders assert the need «to model a partnership between governments and all coats of the society ", to struggle against the blight of conflicts, and " to promote and to protect human rights, to consolidate the democratic institutions and culture, and to assure the good governance and the primacy of right ".

According to the African leaders, structures of OAU established since 1963 were not as high as task, the leaders of the continent made a first appeal to the constitution of an African Union in Syrte (Libya), in September, 1999. After deep debates on the plan of change, the next Summit of AUO in Lomé (Togo) adopted the constituting Act of the Union and subjected it to the signature and the ratification of the 53 Member States of OAU. Having acquired the ratification of the two thirds of the members of the OAU, the African Union (AU) was officially proclaimed in March, 2001.

From the beginning, OAU is gone bald by its prerogatives that are to say of its original trajectory. The African union erases Unit bluntly African in preference since then economic initiatives that the strengthening of the Unit of the African continent. According to the supporters of this school of the African Union, Unity failed by for lack of medium financiers. Therefore there preference the partnership with the countries of the North, Africa will become strong, unified and able of being obvious on worldwide chessboard.

Although being acknowledged on juridical plan, the African Union and its different institutions remain to establish. The leaders gathered in Lusaka especially examined the intermediate and preparative measures which will have to be taken before the keeping of the first Summit of the African Union, having envisaged next year in Southern Africa. Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, for a long time general secretary of the OAU, was replaced with Mr. Amara Essy, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Ivory Coast (and the former President of the general  Assembly of the United Nations), who will aim transition.

The dissolution of OAU in favor of the African Union, could not put down disagreement on institutional plan because OAU has already had valid bones and if the African leaders who supported the pure and simple hypothesis of the deletion of OAU, they should first do deepened researches and to find the first reasons of the failure of aforementioned Organization and to correct errors. Thereabouts, they can quickly understand since there were two schools of thought which opposed. Some is in favor of the continuity of the force of Unity and others of incoherence and is in favor of the Economic union.

By consulting us in the European Union or in the UN, they search reasons of dysfunction of the Organization first and they correct defects. When they had dissociated SN (Society of Nations) by the UN (Organization of United Nations), heretofore Charter changed the single sentence in no way because, it is not the error of the definition of Charter that is at the origin of the failure of SDN. The first disability is there that; SN did not have troops of intervention of assertion of peace. Thing which was corrected in the creation of the UN. They have exclude Japan and Germany among the members of the permanent committee in return for of France and Great Britain. In it, they provided the UN of the troops of intervention. What explains a systematic renovation to adapt the Organization according to the movement of planetary mutation? So, SN in its constitutional text, nothing changed.

In the case of OAU and AU, everything is changed since its text of origin. It is the most serious error of the Africans leaders who supported fiercely the idea of removing everything. OAU was created in the idea of joining Africa, that is to say the chief idea of the United States of Africa. Kwame Nkrumah had said: « Let us unite where we shall die. » So in 1963, OAU came into the world. It is normal for a new continental Organization, composed of the countries which have just taken out labels of the imperialists, to make errors on structure and certain institutional rules. In anything, it is the first not who counts. Without forgetting that Pan-Africanism was fought by the Westerners, seeing in it a brilliant idea which will jostle economy in years to European and endanger to a certain extent the future of the development of some countries of the North.

 "Extremely ambitious» and " very difficult" were adjectives used by the South African President Thabo Mbeki to represent two plans of socioeconomic development and political union of Africa. A good many of his colleagues presidents and first ministers, united in Lusaka (Zambia) on the occasion of a Summit of the Organization of African unity (OAU), were also aware of formidable challenges which wait for them, even though they try hard to change the relations of the African countries, between them and in relation to the rest of the world.

On political plan, the African leaders have intention to transform OAU, in the year which comes, in a more efficient institution in the continental ladder, the African Union. At the same time, the representatives for the continent like to promote an unpublished strategy of development «fabricated in Africa ", known under the name of new African Initiative. This strategy combines two plans of plans introduced this year by different African presidents, the Partnership of the millennium for the Program of revival of Africa and Omega plan, which were merged in the single document on the eve of the Summit of OAU organized in Lusaka from 9 till 11 of July 2001.

The total objective of Initiative, decrees the Heads of state united in this opportunity, will be to lead to a human and lasting development ", while being sure that Africa will be more than a secondary actor in worldwide economy. In order to do that, Africa will inevitably have to benefit from a better draft and of a better governance one, declares Initiative, maintaining that «the people of the continent besides began showing that they accepted no more poor political and economic orientations ". Although numerous details remain to regulate, the outlines of Initiative were already sketched (« We shall determine our own destiny ").

To understand definitely, initiative is thrown without a pre-established plan. How it was necessary to change, therefore they remove the picture and they settle the question to know what to write on the place? In the presence of this new African Initiative, which is a source of hope all at once and the plan of development of the continent awaken praises and skepticism. The first President of the  African Union in this case Thabo Mbeki then President of the South Africa, had brought the ideas of economy as preference, an existent initiative of the policy of his own country which tried to find itself on the resumption afterwards of long period of apartheid. For him, the view of the economic partnership with the ex-colonizers was the way of exit. An experience which the fathers of Pan-Africanism consisted of at the dawn of the years of independence (1960). Therefore they can definitely understand that, the president Thabo Mbeki is not of this sphere of influence and cannot consist of thoroughly the conflict of African Unity. He wants to represent a neo-colonialist idea within the African family.

The sense of change had not a firm belief of a better future as the African continent. By analyzing nearly the idea of the colonel Mouammar Kadhafi on the creation of African Unity, had to have nothing with the Union of States in partnership. Unity has to have nothing with the Union. It is in unity that they will form unions; once unity is constituted, it is unique force to preserve our African sovereignty and to maintain the cape towards progress. Therefore the original idea of the colonel Kadhafi was in the continuity of OAU and to make amendments appropriated to solidify African Unity, whose same language we all must speak as it is case with the United States of America. The fathers of Pan-Africanism thought of this noble idea and, we all owe to support it and to develop new hypotheses that can better argue and to defend this noble idea for the lasting, qualifying development which does not cease taking out Africans from lips of our dear leaders.

 

The African union favors the economic partnership more African than the unity of Africa.

By this resolution, the African governments promise to accumulate funds faster on the continent thanks to the improvement of the fiscal systems, a better effectiveness and in rates more favorable to national investments and to the savings. All at once, Initiative offers creation «of a new type of partnership between Africa and international community, particularly industrial countries, to fill up the precipice which deepened in development in the course of centuries of unequal reports ".

Numerous African Heads of state plead in favor of a more rational reduction of debt, an increase of foreign aid, more important foreign investments, and broader opening of the markets of the North in the exports of the continent. To the session dedicated in Africa in July, the Economic and Social Council of the UN heard James Wolfensohn, President of World Bank to agree to new African Initiative as an event "of an extraordinary importance for every inhabitant of the planet ". Mr. Wolfensohn moreover promised that the Bank would bring its inflow in the programs which «are worked out on place and applied to place. We recognize that the models of development imposed by Washington, London or Geneva do not walk on the ground ", he added. Mr. Wolfensohn also added that, while continuing tying conditions to its loans, the Bank would try hard «to simplify the procedures of attribution ". Besides, the financial institution will participate more in efforts of development and strengthening of regional incorporation in Africa, rather than to concentrate almost entirely on the national plans of development, as in the past.

Since the creation of the  African Union, in spite of the preference imposed on the economic partnership with the North, the African continent moved forward an only one not towards the door of happiness. The key of African economy is always in the hands of our ex-colonizers. A partnership is always of loser - winning which becomes more marked year by year. The President of the World Bank underlines very well that; the models of development imposed by Washington, London or Geneva not function not to you.

So, it tightens us the hand to present them a new model of development invented by the Union African. By asking for the lightening of debt, it means that Africa has resolutions of the well structured economic revivals and made to order which are suitable for development on the ground. Unfortunately it is not case. It explains once again of more our dependency and weakness person opposite in the report of force North-south of the point of seen African did not evolve. We risk remaining dependent on the North still hanging centuries. The partnership preferenceby the African Union with the countries of the North has African no advantage for the time being for the future of youth. The African leaders have to re-think in final which form of confederation to opt for the lasting development of our dear African continent.

 

«To help Africa is not charity»

The week according to the Summit of Lusaka, a deputation of African leaders aimed by the president Abdoulaye Wade of the Senegal glorified deserve them Initiative in front of the annual Summit of the eight industrial countries which was held in Genoa, in Italy. «For the first time as part of G8, the question of Africa was seriously approached ", had underlined the French President Jacques Chirac. The Prime minister of United Kingdom, Tony Blair, asked the backers to launch «a kind of Plan Marshal «for Africa, so referring to the important injections of capitals which contributed to the reconstruction of Europe after the Second World War.

Mr. Guy Verhofstadt, interim President of the European Union, as for him determined «that there is a political will on behalf of [countries] rich to participate in partnership in actions on the continent. It was not case until now. At the end of three days of debates, everybody, including the American President George Bush, was aware of the chasm which dissociates the North and the South, the rich men of the G8 and Africa ".

G8 welcomed new African Initiative as a promising starting point of a more narrow partnership. The eight industrial countries also adopted " the Plan of Genoa for Africa ", who underlines domains interesting particularly industrial countries, as promotion of the private investments, the expansion of trade in Africa and outside the continent, the improvement of the systems of public health, the conflict against hunger, solid management of firms, introduction of new technologies, conflict against corruption, good gouvernance and prevention of conflicts. The Prime Minister Jean Christian, who will welcome the next Summit of G8 in Canada, promised that Africa would be main subject. «To help Africa is not charity, but investment ", he affirmed.

The members of the G8 offer to prepare more concrete plans of partnership in anticipation of the Summit of next year. At the same time, they have intention to hire an uninterrupted dialogue with a committee of 15 members composed of Leaders of African States. The committee, aimed by the Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, should formulate definite programs which would be applied as part of new African Initiative, also with the aim of the Summit of G8 of 2002.

G8 could only welcome manual opened the partnership between Africa and this Organization firmly prepared. Africa always puts the plow in front of oxen. What kind of relationship the African deputation in front of G8? The Africans are going to search a partnership with a supranational economic organization, which achieves to solidify their relations and economic collaboration and not to relieve the wrong of the countries of the South! G8 an organization is not which, nor in their constitution and in their budget does the plan of the help of Africa appear there. Africa is considered to be commercial bars and their plan in Africa has nothing common in what our African leaders think of. An African deputation in position of ache to ask for help, imagine what a humiliation for Africa!

With all mining, oil, forested means, etc, we must come in manservant's position. When we shall understand it? « To help Africa is not charity ». Somebody who asks for help is always in position of misery. Help is not synonymous with partnership in all its forms. The partnership advocated by the African Union has no sense.

Definition of the Partnership:

The partnership defines itself as an active community of different dealers who, while maintaining their self-government, agree to pool their efforts with a view to accomplishing a common objective linked up with a problem or with an apparently identified need in which, by virtue of their respective mission, they have an interest, a responsibility, a motivation, or even an obligation. The partnership often envisages as part of alliances. Alliances with the strategically partners can give rise to agreements of technological, industrial collaboration, or commercial.

Alliances can concern establishment abroad demanding a local partnership, the distribution of risks with a national rival of the same area, or lasting partnerships in the domains of subcontract, provisioning, services.

According to this definition, nothing identifies or underlines an imminent relationship with the term of help.

 

Weigh for and against

As the comments of Mr. Wade give to understand it, the promoters of new African Initiative are particularly aware due to the fact that, whatever is the support which they accept on international plan, it will be necessary to them to earn first of all the firm support of the people of Africa if they intend to succeed in their firm.

Since the announcement this year of the Program of the millennium and Omega plan, which were then inserted into Initiative, decision-makers, academics, agents of development, commentators of the press, union activists, representatives for the society and many others discussed of deserve and weaknesses of plan. Numerous voices expressed the careful hope that Initiative would really represent a new departure for the continent. If it is possible to reach peace and political stability and if industrial countries hold their promises, Initiative «should offer in Africa the means to become apparent in the central spheres of the economic, political and cultural business of the world ", declared Kuseni Dlamini, researcher takes on in the South African Institute of international business.

Other groups, nevertheless, prove to be more circumspect. They get worried about the negative impact which globalization could have in Africa and doubt the firmness of the political commitment of the African leaders faced with their own plan. Initiative «constitutes the good choice at good instant ", estimates a commentator of the Gambian daily Independent. The newspaper fears nevertheless the lack of enthusiasm of possible foreign investors for a continent «where there is so much disturbances and anarchy» and doubts that the new African Union proves to be more efficient than OAU.

Preference in regional incorporation

The professor Moustapha Kasse, doyen of economy in the Sheikh Anta Diop university of Dakar (Senegal), pointed out that other programs of economic development offered before by OAU, as the Plan of action of Lagos of 1980, failed for various reasons and not only because of the deficiencies of the African governments. It notably named the deterioration of economic environment on international plan, lack of support of countries donors (which favored the policies of structural adjustment), dryness, launching of civil wars and tendency of every African country to defend its short term interests, rather than to offer a total view for the whole continent.

Mr. Kasse thinks that approach advocated by African Initiative takes into account certain lessons drawn by the past chess. That's how plan acknowledges that economic growth and development are not only influenced by financial mailmen and of production, but also by political and social mailmen. Where from the place was granted by Initiative in peace, the good gouvernance and the promotion of the woman. More important still is the accent put on the different manners of multiplying trades, transport systems and plans of investments between African countries. A bigger regional incorporation would allow to enlarge the local markets and to make easier so the realization of economies of scale, the getting of capitals necessary to the creation of facilities and the optimum sharing out of means, according to Mr. Kasse.

From his part, K.Y.Amoako, executive Secretary of the economic Commission of the UN for Africa, respect that an acceleration of regional incorporation " is likely to make easier the distribution of risks between savings which are moreover vulnerable and to allow the continent to exploit its complementarily and to attract capitals necessary for a lasting growth and a development in Africa ". Such incorporation should to its turn «to allow our continent to achieve the market of international competition ", he says.

Nevertheless, the economic incorporation of Africa will not be made overnight. Tito Mboweni, elected representative in mid-August President de l' Association of the governors of the central banks of Africa, respect that about twenty years will be needed so that Africa is ready for an unique currency and a central bank in the continental ladder. More than 30 years in Europe were needed to establish a unique currency, but «with consistent programs and a good organization, these objectives are accomplishable ", it predicts.

South African Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nkosazana Zuma, respect that it would be necessary to consolidate the regional associations of the continent, as the Community for the development of the Southern Africa and the economic Community of the States of Western Africa from now on, to be able to undertake the economic incorporation of the continent. «If the regional blocks are weak, then the economic incorporation of the continent will be weak", he says.

As for trade, the president Obasanjo of Nigeria recommends that the African countries grant more attention in the «redefining of commercial links " which link them up. That's how in Western Africa, the easing of regional restrictions on trade has already allowed to record a sensitive increase of the volume of exchanges between neighboring countries for 10 years, he notes. Besides, it will be necessary that the Africans coordinate their positions more on the big commercial files to make heard they better hear in international negotiations on these questions, estimates the Nigerian President.

 

 The training of the African confederation (the United States of Africa)

During the last meeting in Abuja (Nigeria) held on May 22nd and 23rd, 2008, Senegalese minister of Foreign Affairs understood stakes on the appropriate question of African Unity among whom the United States of Africa. Mister Cheik Tidiane Gadio underlines the importance of this subject which made general agreement in the course of meeting.

 

At the close of this debate regarding yes or not to opt for an African confederation forming a continental government, on a movement order towards the united States of Africa; formulating on the occasion of the commemoration of the Day of Africa, organized by the group of the Arabic Ambassadors, accredited in Dakar, mister Cheikh Tidiane commented that a general agreement was found on this question during the meeting of Abuja (Nigeria) where it took part on May 22nd and 23rd, 2008. ‘Question is regulated. The debate on question to set up the United States of Africa is not any more in order day. African unity is in motion. A general agreement was found on this question ’, he declared.

 

Speaking about the abandonment of the sovereignty of States, the Senegalese diplomat supported that it does not pose a problem in the Senegal. ‘We are ready for a partial or complete abandonment of our sovereignty to construct the United States of Africa ’, he says, while leaning on the Senegalese Constitution which envisages this sacrifice. As for other States which are fond of their sovereignty, Gadio reassures. ‘We are going to form a continental government where States will keep their independence and their sovereignty to put everybody comfortable ’, he underlines.

According to him, this building will make progressively, that is to say phased stage, and a general agreement was also found in this sense. But big questioning that it settles, it is to know how and when continental unity will be made. ‘Now, the question which settles is to set up a movement order and a calendar for its execution ’, he recommends. The minister recalled, besides, other concerns as rationalization of the customs unions, the audit of the commission of the African Union, the domains of competence, new sources of financing, etc.

 

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Libya, an African distinct Community and solid.

The practice of direct democracy

Afrogouvernance - By Gustave Botela Lipo - 25th May 2008.

From this short incursion in the history of direct democracy we conclude that historical context, national traditions among which Jamahiriya, ideological currents by the green book of a country as Libya, determine recognition and use of the tools of direct democracy.

As a result, from the point of view of the governance it is very difficult to enunciate a general implementation and to make a comparison between other countries in the world concerning the establishment and the practice of direct democracy. The governance in Libya is meant update a new way which strives towards a real democracy, which played from time immemorial by our forefathers Africans known under the democracy of general agreement.

In this third millennium where from the majority of the leaders Africans became the accountants and of marketing of the international community, violate the Constitution’s of their countries to serve their bosses of the international community, mortgage treasures of the country in view of populations and so poverty gnaw at the inhabitants of the Continent Africans every day which became the unhappiest of the planet earth up, in spite of the potential of natural resources that of nice continent be packed.

Libya a country before vanguard consisted of usages and morals of the European countries in democracy and made its choice for direct democracy, only political structure which can guarantee the rights of state, the human right beings and the social life of free people. The analyses of all these factors exceed the setting of this text.

Without entering the analysis deepened to represent mechanisms and functions of techniques of direct democracy in certain Western countries, particularly in the States where direct democracy plays a notable role, in this case the Switzerland, as forerunner of aforementioned democracy, the refreshed Switzerland of the biggest variety of institutions and most extensive experience in the field.

Libya is the only African country who distinguishes himself from other African democracies by the importance of its institutions of direct democracy. True emblems of the sovereignty of the people, the right of initiative marks political system Libyan profoundly. These popular rights allow to the people to take position directly on legislative and constitutional plans. All political Libyan life revolves around general agreement.

The green book of the guide of Revolution, represented perfectly initiative and techniques that true democracy should be. Mouammar Kadhafi showed in front of the face of the world, that he was only a guarantor of public property. It distributed benefits from oil means, in all population according to the category of each. An example improves of the good governance in Libya.

This popular initiative is in the Constitution of the country and the Guide of the Libya Revolution respects it in the letter in his guarantor's quality of the population and of his property. In process of popular initiative, guide listens to his people, which are the people are consulted before the government makes any decision. The authors of initiative are required to respect the unit of material. That is initiative can offer only the single idea at the same time and concern only the single subject. For instance; « the national sharing out of income. » The office of the Guide and all representatives of the people control without appeal the respect for the material and definite unity of all initiative.

Popular initiative represents the right, granted in a permanent committee set up to offer new resolutions to the people Libyan entirely. For more of clarity and to avoid any ambiguity, we shall suppose that the difference with a representative democracy domiciles in the importance granted in the techniques of direct democracy (particularly in referendum and in popular initiative), what means in the largeness of means which the citizen has for expresses itself directly about a thorough question.

After all is said and done, the techniques of direct democracy and that of the representative are not incompatible. According to the situation of instant, the presence of the techniques of direct democracy admits in general that competences of the people to pronounce on certain subjects do not have to depend on the will of another organ of the State, that it is from the Parliament or from the National Assembly (for instance the case of the government of Quebec with reasonable moderate agreement), from the government or from the leader of the State. In other words, Constitution must allow to the people to intervene in political domain, without it is made to pass by parliamentary or governmental authorities.

In political system Libyan, it is therefore presence in the Constitution of institutions which determine after all is said and done the nature of direct democracy.

In Europe, as in the most part of the world, democracy became the only state form acknowledged to be legitimate. On the other hand, the layout of democracy is subject to polemic. In general debate orbits around question to know which institutions accomplish the principles of democracy the best and, particularly, if representative democracy must be supplemented by the institutions of direct democracy.

By the force of legitimization, a decision appraises by referendum for instance, benefits from the support of the majority of the citizens and constitutes the immediate expression of the will of the people. From the point of view of the supporters of the institutions of direct democracy, such decision has therefore more legitimacy than a measure appraise by a representative authority. What does not mean that a decision with a majority of the voters is wiser or more careful, but simply than it has a bigger justificatory force? The legitimacy of a referendum domiciles therefore in the fact that it expresses the will of the majority.

Besides, when a representative democracy, either quite other political regime (semi-direct or semi-representative), needs a maximum of legitimacy to make an important decision, for instance for the ratification of a Constitution or for membership in a supranational organization, it has in mostly recourse in referendum. As referendum procedure is heavier she can produce less controversial decisions, because better accepted by the population.

By the legitimacy which they bring, the techniques of direct democracy can so also solve conflicts. Finally, less dominated by particular interests, they are more capable to promote the public interest.

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Debate on the democratic doctrines.
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Afrogouvernance - By Gustave Botela Lipo - January 25, 2008. (Part - 2)

 

Fundamental values of the democracy

 

FREEDOM

 

The fundamental principles of the contemporary democracy are ambiguities because certain concepts which they clarify or which they associate are themselves confused and often contestable at the point to arrive from there, in certain cases, with being intrinsically contradictory.

 

It is time to make some make a constructive criticism, while beginning again, point by point, the various topics which make the ideal type of this democracy such as it is currently actually applied and put to the test in our lived history.

 

The source first and undoubtedly paramount of the variations and the deviations of the current democratic practice is undoubtedly in intrinsic confusion suitable for the value of freedom or the value of equality and in the difficult compatibility of their coexistence.

 

1- The ambiguity freedom

 

To clarify the various directions and the various functions of freedom in the contemporary democracies, one cannot avoid speaking about the concept of freedom as such.

 

Natural freedom, i.e. the freedom which makes the nature even of the man and his difference, is made up, for each man, by the whole of the capacities of which it is able to lay out, according to its physical, emotional, intellectual capacities natural and morals in a given historical situation.

 

It is not only of premature assertions, but a total philosophical ignorance of significance of the freedom or spirit as well as discontinuity, rupture irreducible which exist between the order of nature and the order of the spirit, which is freedom, conscience and of the metaphysical direction that this order implies. Freedom consists, in its full metaphysical range, not only in one to be able of indetermination, rupture with given whatever it is, but in a capacity of going beyond of very given, in a transcendence in act. The no determinable character, no foreseeable of the work and actions of men, in so far as it appears in the creation of the stories of men, of it is the undeniable proof. It is particularly obvious in the creation of the works of art. Because it is free, the man is not a natural being, it is a cultural being. He is not a given, he is done, partly; he is, for most significant, essentially, his ones work.

 

The idea Judeo-Christian of the original sin is the illustration, since it makes freedom a capacity of deviation, rupture, and freedom a principle of imperfection, but, just as easily a principle of

perfectibility (in term of theological, it is the principle of a possible safety). The human capacity of creation is thus able of worst like misfortune. According to this assumption, it is because it is free that the man is imperfect, naturally unsuited to nature and that it is a social being. As already Kant said it: "the nature of the man consists in making his nature freely." But he said in addition: because it is free, the man needs Masters (guides).

 

He belongs, indeed and particularly with a philosophy which wants to be deeply liberal, to denounce a prejudice as widespread as he is vicious, and it is not little to say, a prejudice which claims that all the uses of freedom are legitimate precisely because they are the expression of freedom. In other words: all that is the manifestation of freedom is good is well.

 

Hadn't Rousseau proclaimed the original kindness of the man, his innocence? Even if it acted of an illusory design, it was a plausible anthropology, founded on the postulate of the initial, but fragile and corruptible goodwill universal. The ideology of the goodwill, even if it thinks of referring to is saying the school of Rousseau, is another thing. It is not even a "libertarian" ideology, because this one claims to defend the personal freedoms, fragile and precarious, counters the abuses the exercise of the authority, which it acts of the authority of the others or that of the institutions.

The libertarian ideology would find its achievement in a radically anarchistic company. The vicious ideology which holds freedom for an absolute value, which believes in "absolute freedom", it is the ideology of the freedom without limits, without reserves, laws nor obligations, the freedom of "to do everything, all is permitted". It is the opening to violence, with the war each one to tell each one, which involves the ruin of any social relation, the dissolution of any social and political coexistence. Hegel had warned us: "die absolute Frreiheit involves das Schrecken": who results in: "absolute freedom generates terror".

 

 

Declaration of the rights of man

 

Perhaps is necessary it to call upon here the prestigious Declaration of the rights of man and of the citizen, but to as show as of now as this Declaration often gives place to perverse ideological interpretations. And it is for several reasons, in various directions.

 

Of course, it is not a question to question in doubt or the eminent value of the man as being endowed with freedom, reasonable reflexion, and word too. This eminent value was high with the statute of dignity in the culture Judeo-Christian of the Occident and found its expression contemporary in the Declarations of the rights of man of the end of the 18th century, with the French and the American one.

 

But, under the influence of the ambient naturalism at the time, the Components presented the constellation of the human values like whole of rights. They would have had, starting from the assertion of these values, to not present a Declaration, but rather a "Claim" of the rights. Because the Rights do not have an existence, of significance and guarantee that if they are instituted in a political community and only by it. There are not rights out of a political community, of State.

 

From where the second perversion: there are no humans right in the State, the man not being a legal concept, but a moral value, it does not have their only the citizens who can have rights, because lilies are only prone of right.

 

But it still follows a more serious consequence: Is not need to call some with the Declarations of the rights of man which are ideological proclamations, whose postulates require another thing well that a reasonable reflexion on the coexistence and the peaceful collaboration of free citizens and who, do not even go without contradictions or confusions. However, one can and one must note that it is reasonable, (reasonable, but neither necessary, neither obligatory nor even rational, because this rationality depends on the objectives) that that which puts its own freedom respect into practice the other and the use which this one of its own freedom makes. It was often said: "the freedom of the one stops, or better must stop where the freedom of the other starts". It is this principle of reasonable reciprocity which is expressed in the form of the essential principle of what one calls, well wrongly, the "natural right" (the only right in conformity to what is natural in the man, its natural capacities, it is the right of most extremely, of the more crafty one, which obviously is not a right). Do not do with others what you would not like that it made you: this alteri feceris, quod tibi fieri non vis, it is the minimal principle of a morals of the peaceful coexistence which, to be essential, is not spontaneous, but reasonably reflected and artificially built like a fact of culture.

 

To follow...

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Afrogouvernance - by Gustave Botela Lipo - January 17 2008. - part 1 - [to react].

 

To extract the naturalness concept of democracy from the muddy set language, it is necessary to form the ideal type starting from the fundamental postulates of it that this concept implies.

 

It will even be necessary to be caught there twice, because the direct democracy implies an ideal prototype good distinct from that which requires the democracy indirect and representative. Without calculating that at the same time, mentalities and the morals are in constant change and evolve/move deeply.

 

To arrange the theoretical character of the ancient democracy or the contemporary democracy, that consists in making neither a history of the doctrines, nor, less still, a history of the ideas. It is only a question of highlighting, with the fold of the philosopher and time, of the topics essential with the concept of democracy, even if they always were not clearly clarified or even clearly taken in conscience by the thinkers and the actors of this democracy.

 

Thus will be able we to arrange a clear and explicit philosophical application of concept of democracy. Once this ambiguity accomplished strictly theoretical effort, it will be then possible for us to make a constructive criticism of it, and successively to deduce their conditions from them from practical application as well as the consequences which result from this as well for the first, as for the second of these theoretical prototypes. Thus, this report/ratio of the theory to the practice proves of great importance for our analysis.

 

The ancient democracies.

 

 The first remark of the Greeks, in classification whom they established, did not hesitate to speak about the government of only one or government of several, monarchy or oligarchy, but that they preferred to name democracy, the capacity exerted by the people, by the whole of the citizens, so much it is difficult to conceive the great number, the whole of the people can control, order, guide, lead, even in a city with the limited population.

 

Thus, let us try to release the postulates required by the existence of a democracy where the capacity resides immediately, directly, between the hands of the whole of the citizens.

First postulate.

 

The Greeks have the feeling to live in a city which naturally forms a whole, a whole former to each element which make it up, families, and individuals. It only forms a whole autarkical, able to be sufficed for itself, whose citizens can exist only as parts of all. The good of all is naturally a common good. As such, it implies and ensures the good of each member. This is why it is of the nature of the city to be independent. It is thus natural that it only is capable of autonomy; it is a whole whose characteristic is to control itself.

 

 

Second postulate

 

In deduction, it belongs to the whole of the citizens to control itself. Therefore, the imagination of the people, not the small people, crowd or the poor ones, or the foreigners, but this whole of citizens joined together in assembly, will deliberate, decide, act, each time that is necessary, to define and ensure the common good, the good being of the city. Decisions permanent, concepts of the laws, decisions of circumstances, constructors of jurisprudence, bring the order in the city, i.e. justice. Thus, the people are at the same time the legislator and the executor of the policy in the city.

 

Modern contemporary democracies.

 

In our current study, we remain constant with our formula of the establishment of the ideal type of the contemporary democracy starting from its effective achievements. Under the aegis of the etymology of the word democracy, in fact the topics of the ancient theory are taken again, but it to them is borrowed very different and new directions.

First postulate

 

The concept of city based on the human nature, of achieved state, completed, perfect, of a political community, is substituted that of State. However, the modern State is a primarily artificial political community, like any political community, and with a double title. Initially, because it always finds its origin in a violent and intentional constraint exerted by a man or a group of men; the State is work.

 

In the second place, because its institution, specific from the Western culture, results through a more or less long history, development of a common assent with certain forms of distribution and exercise of the political powers, according to an order admitted like Just and ratified by habits which usually take in a way or a another written form.

 

A viable state, a State in good health, is founded on a consensus of the public opinion, on a consensus which is presented in the form of an approval of all, in any case, of the very great number.

 

In this mode based in theory on the opinion of all, the police force becomes the force of all. The will of all, which one or not calls general will, becomes sovereign[1] will. It is the modern formulation of the first postulate of the democracy. That it to them is or not given reason, the philosophers of the social contract will leave an undeniable print on the design of the democratic States.

 

This print is marked by the fact that they are regulated less and less by usual fundamental laws, more and more by written constitutions.

 

Second postulate

 

The character artificial and more and more explicitly conventional of the modern States, design of the individual, member of the political community, like a being capable of conscience considered

and reasonable, which is another manner of saying that it is capable of freedom. The human individual is free, not as a citizen of an autonomous city, as at the Old ones, but initially as a man and like metaphysical individual as such.

 

Freedom is not only the gasoline of the man as such. It is a duty which him east immanent. The modern State has as a task first to recognize and guarantee, in the form of rights, the modes of expression of this freedom compatible with the joint life, with the coexistence of free men, of which the first duty, for each one, consists in respecting in the others, the practices of a freedom who’s the respect for itself requires.

 

Freedom, principle immediate of deviation, difference, of discord, principle of originality specifically human, must be controlled, in the State, not only by one goodwill reasonable of each one, but by the public will of the State.

 

It is clean modern democracy and of its natural brittleness, of its irreducible imperfection. The man is at the same time a being first, original and irreducible under the terms of his freedom, principle of imperfection as much as principle of perfectibility.

Third postulate

 

The whole of the citizens constitutes the corpus politicum, the body politic, which the democracy calls "the people". With oneself only this third postulate constitutes. Because, in a democracy, the people constitute not only his body, but his spirit, since it to him is allotted faculty to judge, to choose, decide, in short, to think and want by it. The Jean-Jacques Rousseau philosopher while thinking certainly of the democracy, but without admitting the human possibility: he allots to the public will the criterion of the reason, namely the universality. What makes will of the whole of the citizens inside the State, considered as a specific whole, an intrinsically reasonable will, will "general will". Famous "the general will", which is not the will of all, (i.e. the arithmetic sum of the will of all the individuals which make the people), but the will of the people as such, the will of the "whole" is, under these conditions, always "right-hand side" (according to Hegel); it "cannot wander", it can have of another object only one general object, the common good and it thus carries on him an appreciation essentially reasonable.

 

The sovereignty of the people, sovereignty immanent with its owner, it is well the fundamental postulate of the democracy.

Fourth postulate

 

The effective installation of democratic modes in the contemporary companies Westerners was lengthily delayed by the generally accepted idea that a true democracy was necessarily a direct

Democracy. However, the considerable dimension of the modern States of Occident made their impossible the direct practice of the democracy; a total assembly of the people was obviously not realizable. Why no realizable? Because the tradition which a citizen could not delegate the expression of his will to a third person without him to give a true full power. To confer on another capacity "to represent it", it is for a citizen, to give up with the other without control the capacity to judge and decide in its place. The mandate recovers from there without conditions to the will from the agent. Indeed, to want it is not transmitted effectively, that goes from oneself, in wanting it of another.

 

The principle of representativeness, with the freely elected legislative assemblies, became very quickly the postulate necessary of the inevitably indirect democracies. This principle found in the

division and the separation legislative executive power an additional justification. Once put in work, it was recognized like the inescapable means of the practical application of the modern

Democracies. It from now on entered the morals of the Westerners. The choice of Guide of the Revolution of Arab Jamahiriya Libyan, the brother Mouammar Al Kadhafi of the direct democracy isn't it justified? As its green book explains it, it is for the good of all humanity. This debate does nothing but start...

 

TO FOLLOW...

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[1] It is known that Rousseau gives originality, a special validity with the "general will", which is always right, which cannot wander. It opposes it to "will of all" which is only one arithmetic sum, which is not necessarily unanimous, of the whole of the wills of the citizens. One could interpret, undoubtedly with another author (Kant), this idea of general will, while making of it, because of his criterion of general information, of universality, the expression of the reason. But it is preliminary to the establishment of any political regime. One cannot about it thus draw, at Rousseau, a

Justification of the democratic mode. Another philosopher (Hegel) will go further, but beyond any democratic mode, by treating universal will, like will of the whole, the will of the State, reason and freedom in act.

 

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Fundamental values of the democracy.. 1 & 2.
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Great Jamahiriya Arab socialist and popular Libyan

Muammar Al-Kadhafi and Africa

Direct democracy and green book